No Neutral Notes: Rage, Reflection, and the Responsibility to Act
From summer playlists to union politics, why educators can't afford silence in the face of rising authoritarianism and moral distortion
Please pardon if my posts are less regular than they were in the school year. All of us need some rest, even in a time when we cannot afford to not take the next step forward.
Summer has traditionally been a time for me to recharge and prepare for the upcoming school year. However, this year has felt very different. I have felt restless and disillusioned like the underlying feeling captured in the 1920s setting of The Great Gatsby (Fitzgerald, 1925/2004). I find myself unsettled and searching for clarity. I have recently found myself returning to the politically charged and emotionally intense music of my youth. Bands such as Rage Against the Machine, Tool, System of a Down, Muse, Linkin Park, Reel Big Fish, Pearl Jam, and Green Day have filled my Spotify playlists, their lyrics offering both reflection and resistance. Night after night, those lyrics echo in my mind as I lay down to sleep, attempting to make sense of the increasingly volatile political climate in which we now live. A few weeks ago I took a Peloton class with Dennis Morton who recalled a story from a time when he got to speak with Tom Morello that I related to. He got to tell Tom that the Music gave a young Morton a place to understand that his young angry self was alright. Like Morton I am finding solace in the ideas that the lyrics and energy of this music fits here as I grapple with where the world is currently centered.
In this moment of political polarization and rising authoritarianism, it is tempting for public employee unions, like the UFT, to retreat into neutrality, or to find a myriad of reasons to not take a formal stance in this race. In fact across social media platforms there have been calls for those methods to be how the UFT treats this mayoral campaign. However, educators know that neutrality in the work of unions or in education is a myth. As Henry Giroux (2011) argues in On Critical Pedagogy, education is always political. Either we teach students to critically examine the world around them, or we teach them to accept it as it is. As a public union of educators, the United Federation of Teachers (UFT) has a responsibility not only to bargain for better pay and conditions, but to take a stand on the issues and leaders shaping the future of our city. That is why the UFT’s decision to endorse Assemblyman Zohran Mamdani in the 2025 mayoral election is not just a political move; it is a principled one.
I listened intently to the debate at our July DA, that (despite the image that those who fell on the losing side of the debate would project to the world) was not one sided and allowed for dissenting voices. Ultimately the vote came down to roughly ⅔ of Delegates to the Assembly in attendance voting to have the UFT endorse Assemblyman Zohran Mamdani for Mayor of NYC. No matter which of the candidates we endorsed we would not get 100% buy in of our members. Afterall, there is no perfect candidate, but Assemblyman Mamdani’s platform is the platform that both is viable and closely aligns with the platform of the UFT.
This UFT decision to endorse has not come without backlash, especially on social media. Political rivals, and critics of Mamdani have launched a campaign to smear his record, discredit his values, and denounce not only the UFT endorsement, but the myriad of endorsements that trade unions across the city have given him after his decisive primary victory. The loudest among these attacks are accusations that Mamdani is antisemitic, a charge rooted not in his actions, but in his unapologetic opposition to the war in Gaza. I want to be clear on my personal position: criticizing the policies of the Israeli government is not antisemitism. It is a position taken by Jews, Muslims, Christians, and people of no faith across the world, including within Israel itself (Jewish Voice for Peace, 2024; IfNotNow, 2024). In a similar band criticizing the anti LGBTQIA+ policies of some conservative governments like Uganda does not make one anti-Christian, or mean you are discriminatory against the race of the politicians in the Bronx who supported those international policies.
I am not an expert in history, especially in the complex political tensions of the Middle east. I have read Jewish voices against Zionism and the state of Israel in the book “The Holocaust Victims Accuse” By Reb Moshe Shonfeld (1977), and in the aftermath of September 11, I have lived through the normalization of Islamophobic rhetoric in the US. Shonefeld’s book has given me pause to really think about WWII, and the history of that part of the world as it has become ruled by modern day, and how that parcel of land has been exchanged different political treaties including after WWI when the British gained rule after the defeat of the Ottoman Empire, and once again when the British withdrew to give the the land title to the Jewish people. In some ways, and as highlighted by Shonfeld (1977) this concession of land is also rooted in antisemitism since the European people did not want to allow the Jewish people to return to the land that WWII had effectively expelled them from. While none of this history Justifies the terrorist attack on a music festival that started the current war. It does add complexity to how we navigate our own biases in a country where Islamophobia is openly accepted and in the context of one of the most Jewish Cities in the world during this mayoral election cycle.
From what I have read, Mamdani has consistently spoken out against the humanitarian catastrophe unfolding in Gaza (Mamdani, 2023). He has a position of solidarity with Palestinian civilians living under occupation. He places his critique within a broader human rights discourse, similar to the one articulated By T’Nahneisi Coats in his book “The Message” (2023) where he documents his experience visiting Palestine. This stance, far from being rooted in animus toward Jewish people, is grounded in ethical principles and a commitment to universal justice. I believe this distinction is especially critical in light of rhetoric from U.S. leadership, including both President Biden and President Trump’s reported consideration of forcibly relocating Palestinians to another Muslim-majority country a proposal widely condemned as ethically indefensible and evocative of colonial patterns of displacement (Beaumont, 2024; Al Jazeera, 2024).
To me these proposals echo deeply troubling moments in U.S. history. In particular, it recalls the Trail of Tears, in which the U.S. government forcibly removed Indigenous peoples from their ancestral lands in the 1830s to make way for white settlers and commercial interests (Perdue & Green, 2007; Satz, 2002). In 2017 The NYS Department of Education made examining the conditions of the Trail of tears and the effect the removal had on the people and culture part of our curricular standards (P.37). Just as Indigenous removal was justified under the guise of “civilizing” progress while advancing white American economic gain, the forced displacement of Palestinians under the pretext of regional redevelopment serves contemporary business and geopolitical interests at the expense of human rights and self-determination.
Further echoing this pattern, during his presidency, Donald Trump and his administration promoted economic plans under the so-called “Peace to Prosperity” framework, which included the notion of incentivizing Palestinian emigration as a solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. These efforts were aimed not at achieving justice but at clearing space for development and investment aligned with U.S. and Israeli business interests (White House, 2020). Mamdani’s response to such proposals is not rooted in exclusion or hate, but in intersectional moral clarity. From what I see, Mamdani has consistently denounced antisemitism while also condemning Islamophobia and anti-Arab racism, refusing to prioritize one form of oppression over another (Mamdani, 2023).
I believe that we as educators have a responsibility to look at history with the same critical lens we ask our students to examine it with. Once we have done that, we need to apply those historical standards and critical thinking skills to our current problems. Afterall, what is the point of studying a time period like the Trail of Tears, one in which many of us in the majority may be discomforted, if we are not also planning on learning a lesson and applying that learning to modern problems.
I also recognize that many UFT members have family in law enforcement, including spouses, siblings, and children who serve as police officers. Their concerns about Mamdani’s association with the “defund the police” movement are real and personal. However, these concerns often lack the nuance of what that demand truly calls for. Much like teachers, police officers, across the country, but especially in New York City have been asked for years to do more with less. Their responsibilities have expanded beyond traditional law enforcement to include responding to mental health crises, homelessness, and the breakdown of community social support; these are tasks for which most officers are not trained (Watson et al., 2020). This role creep has created distrust in many historically marginalized communities, including Black and Brown neighborhoods, LGBTQIA+ individuals, and immigrant families (DeVylder et al., 2017; Geller et al., 2014).
Expanding social safety nets, such as access to affordable housing, food security, and comprehensive healthcare including mental health services, has been shown to more effectively reduce crime rates than simply hiring more police or increasing police presence (Sharkey, 2018; Heller et al., 2017). The strategy of adding more officers without addressing root causes has largely served to protect white and wealthy communities from disruption; often, this is done through force that maintains their positionality in the social hierarchy. The research shows that investment in community care infrastructure promotes genuine safety and long-term community resilience, something I believe we can all agree is the true goal (Sampson, 2012).
What makes the current political climate even more dangerous is how far-right leaders, Christian nationalists, and authoritarian sympathizers have weaponized fear and division to consolidate power and wealth at the top. Former President Donald Trump has used the executive branch not just to silence opposition, but to threaten the citizenship status of those who challenge him. He has suggested stripping naturalized citizens like Zohran Mamdani of their citizenship and floated revoking birthright citizenship for critics like Rosie O'Donnell, despite her being born in the U.S. (Cillizza, 2018; Kanno-Youngs & Jordan, 2019).
This behavior echoes earlier authoritarian efforts. During the Red Scare and the McCarthy era, teachers, union leaders, and intellectuals were summoned to congressional hearings, questioned about their loyalty, and purged from classrooms. Today’s Congress, and our political right are once again mirroring that playbook. Union leaders like AFT President Randi Weingarten have been dragged before hostile congressional panels and vilified; Congresswoman Marjorie Taylor Greene went so far as to question Weingarten’s parental legitimacy while attacking her as “too progressive,” echoing the anti-communist vitriol of Senator Joseph McCarthy (Borter, 2023). These modern performances are less about inquiry and more about intimidation.
Historically, teacher unions have faced this kind of political repression before. In The New York City Teacher’s Union: 1916–1964, Celia Lewis Zitron (1968) details how Local 5 was repeatedly targeted during the Red Scare for alleged subversive political activity. The goal was not just to silence individual educators, but to homogenize the ideological landscape of the classroom to one that aligned with white, conservative, Christian nationalism. Today, we see that same effort to sanitize history and eliminate critical engagement; from book bans and curriculum restrictions to the demonization of terms like “diversity” and “equity.”
As Todd DeMitchell (2006) argues in Teachers and Their Unions, teachers' unions do not exist solely to advocate for working conditions; they are political actors situated in a volatile policy environment. The past has taught us that silence does not protect us. The UFT’s involvement in the civil rights movement, as Stephen Lazar (2020) documents, was not universally supported by every member, but it was necessary and just. Similarly, Dennis Gaffney (2022) describes how New York State United Teachers was formed through collective action that transcended political divisions in order to protect the democratic function of public education.
History reminds us that neutrality is not safety; neutrality is complicity. We are a diverse union that includes conservatives and progressives, teachers and therapists, immigrants and veterans, people of faith and people of none.
As I close this entry I am once again reminded of the famous 1946 words of Martin Niemoller (Wikipedia, 2025):
“First They Came for the Socialists, and I did not speak out, because I was not a socialist.
Then they came for the trade unionists and I did not speak out, because I was not a trade unionist.
Then they came for the Jews and I did not speak out because I was not a Jew.
Then they came for me, and there was no one left to speak for me”
When one of our own is targeted because of their faith, or their identity, we have a responsibility to act, not in spite of our differences, but because of our shared belief that education should liberate, not indoctrinate.
I am proudly supporting Zohran Mamdani not because I believe every word he has ever spoken is perfect. I do not believe he is the mythical perfect candidate. While the UFT endorsement is important to me, it is not the sole reason for my decision. I deeply believe in the idea that a better New York City is possible, one rooted in justice, compassion, and truth-telling. I believe he is the person who has that shared vision I believe in for our city.
A city I not only work in, but more importantly proudly call home.
References
Al Jazeera. (2024). Biden administration’s Gaza relocation plan draws international criticism. Retrieved from
https://www.aljazeera.com/
Beaumont, P. (2024). Concerns raised over US proposal to relocate Palestinians as conflict intensifies. The Guardian. Retrieved from
https://www.theguardian.com/
Borter, G. (2023, April 26). Greene questions union boss’s role as ‘mother’ in hearing on school closures. Reuters. https://www.reuters.com/world/us/us-house-republicans-accuse-union-boss-over-covid-school-closures-2023-04-26/
Cillizza, C. (2018, October 30). Donald Trump says he can end birthright citizenship. He can’t. CNN. https://www.cnn.com/2018/10/30/politics/trump-birthright-citizenship/index.html
Coates, T.-N. (2023). The Message. One World.
DeMitchell, T. A. (2006). Teachers and their unions: Labor relations in uncertain times. Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.
DeVylder, J. E., Jun, H. J., Fedina, L., Coleman, D., Anglin, D., Cogburn, C., & Link, B. G. (2017). Association of exposure to police violence with prevalence of mental health symptoms among urban residents in the United States. JAMA Network Open, 1(7), e184945. https://doi.org/10.1001/jamanetworkopen.2018.4945
Fitzgerald, F. S. (2004). The Great Gatsby. Scribner. (Original work published 1925)
Gaffney, D. (2022). Teachers united: The rise of New York State United Teachers. SUNY Press.
Geller, A., Fagan, J., Tyler, T., & Link, B. G. (2014). Aggressive policing and the mental health of young urban men. American Journal of Public Health, 104(12), 2321–2327. https://doi.org/10.2105/AJPH.2014.302046
Giroux, H. A. (2011). On critical pedagogy. Bloomsbury Academic.
Heller, S. B., Shah, A. K., Guryan, J., Ludwig, J., Mullainathan, S., & Pollack, H. A. (2017). Thinking, fast and slow? Some field experiments to reduce crime and dropout in Chicago. The Quarterly Journal of Economics, 132(1), 1–54. https://doi.org/10.1093/qje/qjw033
IfNotNow. (2024). Statement on antisemitism and solidarity with Gaza.
https://www.ifnotnowmovement.org
Jewish Voice for Peace. (2024). Why opposing war is not antisemitism.
https://www.jewishvoiceforpeace.org
Kanno-Youngs, Z., & Jordan, M. (2019, August 21). Trump administration plans to detain migrant families indefinitely. The New York Times. https://www.nytimes.com/2019/08/21/us/politics/family-detention-trump.html
Lazar, S. (2020). In solidarity with those who share our purpose: The United Federation of Teachers and the civil rights movement, 1963–1965. American Educational History Journal, 47(1), 1–20.
Mamdani, M. (2023). Refusing to choose: On antisemitism, Islamophobia, and the crisis in Gaza. Public remarks and essays, reprinted in The Nation.
New York State Education Department. (2017). New York State K–8 social studies framework (Rev. ed.). http://www.nysed.gov/common/nysed/files/programs/curriculum-instruction/ss-framework-k-8a2.pdf
Perdue, T., & Green, M. D. (2007). The Cherokee Nation and the Trail of Tears. Penguin.
Sampson, R. J. (2012). Great American city: Chicago and the enduring neighborhood effect. University of Chicago Press.
Satz, R. N. (2002). American Indian policy in the Jacksonian era. University of Oklahoma Press.
Sharkey, P. (2018). Uneasy peace: The great crime decline, the renewal of city life, and the next war on violence. W. W. Norton & Company.
Watson, A. C., Compton, M. T., & Pope, L. G. (2020). Crisis response services for people with mental illnesses or intellectual and developmental disabilities: A review of the literature on police-based and other first response models. National Association of State Mental Health Program Directors. https://www.nasmhpd.org/sites/default/files/2020paper_crisisresponse_final.pdf
White House. (2020). Peace to Prosperity: A Vision to Improve the Lives of the Palestinian and Israeli People. Retrieved from https://trumpwhitehouse.archives.gov/peace-to-prosperity/
Wikipedia. (2025). Martin Niemöller. In Wikipedia. Retrieved July 14, 2025, from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Martin_Niem%C3%B6ller
Zitron, C. L. (1968). The New York City Teachers Union, 1916–1964. Humanities Press.
Sent from my iPhone
Begin forwarded message:
From: Robert Zuckerberg <zuckie15@aol.com>
Date: July 15, 2025 at 8:37:29 AM EDT
To: zuckie15@aol.com
Subject: Critics say Zohran Mamdani is antisemitic. He says he’s holding Israel accountable. - POLITICO
https://www.politico.com/news/2025/06/22/critics-say-zohran-mamdani-is-antisemitic-he-says-hes-simply-holding-israel-accountable-00416388
As an active retired UFT member I believe our 2000 Delegates have spoken with their 63 % endorsement vote for Mamdani. With that vote, the Union is now saddled with his endorsement, much to the chagrin and consternation of many of our activists and loyal Union members.
I believe the Op Ed I submitted (below)but not published will explain why many of us will not vote for him (despite our Union’s endorsement) and may not vote at all considering the choices we are facing in the upcoming mayoral election.
We Know Antisemitism When We See It — So Why Are We Being Told Zohran Mamdani Is a Friend?
By Bob Zuckerberg
In the months since October 7, American Jews have been told to “stay calm,” “understand the context,” and even “check our privilege” as antisemitic rhetoric floods our streets and institutions. But it’s one thing to endure this from anonymous trolls or distant ideologues — and another when it comes from an elected official in New York City, home to the largest Jewish population outside Israel.
Assemblymember Zohran Mamdani presents himself as a principled progressive. But over time, he has made it unmistakably clear that his politics depend on erasing or minimizing Jewish trauma — and excusing or outright praising those who incite or commit violence against Jews.
Let’s put aside euphemisms. In 2017, Mamdani released a rap track praising the “Holy Land Five,” a group convicted in U.S. courts of funneling $12 million to Hamas, a U.S.-designated terrorist organization. “My love to the Holy Land Five,” he rapped. That wasn’t subtle. That was a political message.
Since becoming a public figure, Mamdani has doubled down. He has refused to condemn the phrase “globalize the intifada” — a slogan regularly chanted at New York protests, where it now serves as a thinly veiled call for violence against Jews globally. The First and Second Intifadas killed over 1,000 Israeli civilians, including children and Holocaust survivors, in bombings, shootings, and stabbings. This is not ancient history — these are traumas that define our living memory.
Worse still, Mamdani compared “globalize the intifada” to the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising — a grotesque equivalency that drew public rebuke from the U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum. They rightly called the comparison “offensive” and “outrageous.”
He didn’t apologize. He didn’t even reconsider.
After the horrors of October 7, Mamdani issued a public statement that failed to name Hamas once. Instead, he criticized Israel’s government. There were no words for the babies burned alive, the families executed, the women raped and paraded. No empathy for a nation reeling from the largest massacre of Jews since the Holocaust.
He later refused to support resolutions affirming Israel’s right to exist or condemning the Holocaust. His office claimed he doesn’t typically sign such resolutions — but this is about something deeper than legislative habits. This is about values.
Mamdani’s legislative priorities are similarly telling. He is a co-sponsor of the “Not On Our Dime Act,” which would empower the state to investigate and potentially penalize Jewish nonprofit organizations in New York for supporting Israeli institutions — even hospitals, youth programs, or universities. It singles out Jewish communal support structures for scrutiny unlike anything else in state law. There is no equivalent targeting of nonprofits that support Chinese, Iranian, Turkish, or Palestinian causes abroad.
This is a familiar feeling for many of us. Jewish history teaches us that antisemitism rarely appears first in the form of violence. It starts with dehumanization. With isolation. With double standards and insinuations that Jews are uniquely dangerous or disloyal. Then, often with a self-righteous smile, it becomes law.
And yet Mamdani is still defended as a “friend” of the Jewish community. His allies insist he is merely “anti-Zionist,” as if that somehow separates him from the centuries-old patterns of antisemitic suspicion and hatred. He recently appeared on the show of influencer Hasan Piker — a man who has called Jews “bloodthirsty pig dogs” and Orthodox Jews “inbred.” Mamdani offered no pushback. He engaged warmly.
At what point are we allowed to say: Enough?
This is not about “criticism of Israel.” Israeli democracy includes fierce internal criticism. Israeli streets are filled with anti-government protests. Israeli courts and journalists hold leaders accountable in ways most democracies can only dream of.
This is about a refusal to see Jewish people as a people — as a nation, with our own history, memory, and sovereignty. It is about the erasure of Jewish identity and Jewish grief under the guise of social justice.
Rabbi Lord Jonathan Sacks once warned that antisemitism mutates. It doesn’t always look like the past. Today, it wears new clothes — the language of activism, anti-imperialism, and intersectionality. But its essence is the same: the view that Jewish life and legitimacy is uniquely problematic, and must be dismantled.
We are not overreacting. We are not confused. We know exactly what this is.
And if this is what “allyship” looks like in 2025 — refusing to name Hamas, praising terror fundraisers, chanting for global intifada — then Jewish New Yorkers are fully within our rights to say: We don’t need friends like this.
Sources:
Politico: Mamdani defends “Globalize the Intifada”
NY Post: Holocaust Museum rebukes Mamdani
City Journal: Breakdown of Not On Our Dime Act
Daily Beast: Mamdani’s rap tribute to Holy Land Five